The word “Sati” is derived from the goddess Sati, who self-immolated herself because her father humiliated her and her husband Shiva, the lord. The linguistic term of Sati means “chaste woman”.  Satitva stands for the chastity of a woman and Satimata denotes a widow who committed the act of Sati and is regarded as the most venerated widow.

Sati is not entirely “hindu” or Indian in origin. Early 20th-century pioneering anthropologist James G. Frazer thought that the legendary Greek story of Capaneus, whose wife Evadne threw herself on his funeral pyre, might be a relic of an earlier custom of live widow-burning 1. In Book 10 of Quintus Smyrnaeus’ Posthomerica (lines 467ff.), Oenone is said to have thrown herself on the burning pyre of her former husband Paris, or Alexander. The strangling of widows after their husbands’ deaths is attested to from cultures as disparate as the Natchez people in present-day Louisiana, to a number of Pacific Islander cultures 2.

Ibn Fadlan describes a 10th-century CE ship burial of the Rus’ when a female slave had said she would be willing to die, her body was subsequently burned with her master on the pyre 3.

As inscribed on the Eran pillar of Goparaja in India in circa 510 CE, he “went to heaven, becoming equal to Indra, the best of the gods; and [his] devoted, attached, beloved, and beauteous wife, clinging [to him], entered into the mass of fire (funeral pyre)”.

However, Nepal stands out in this regard, as according to Axel Michaels, the first inscriptional evidence of the practice of sati was found there in 464 CE 5.

The Greeks have mentioned about sati pratha in their writing as early as 300 BCE.  Initially confined to Rajput clans and then to elite Hindu Rajput clans in western India, Sati Pratha became more widespread and traces its origins to the ancient Hindu scriptures. In Nepal the Changu inscription as back as 464 A.D. mentions Sati as a custom. Self-immolation was initially depicted as a voluntary act of devotion and loyalty by a wife to her deceased husband. The concept found its place in sacred texts as a symbol of ultimate dedication, with some interpretations even glorifying the act. Over time, this notion evolved, transforming into a societal expectation rather than a personal choice.

It was also common in warrior clans for the wives and girls to practice mass self-immolation to avoid capture, enslavement, and rape at the last stand in battles. The Bollywood movie “Padmaavat” directed by Sanjay Leela Bhansali, 2018, portrays the act by Padmaavat, the queen of Maharawal Ratan Singh when defeat was imminent.

Progression
Sati became one form of personal liberation of the Widow from the social consequences of remaining a widow to face various consequences and prejudices and curses from society of bringing bad luck to the husband.

As Hindu society evolved, so did the interpretation and implementation of Sati Pratha. The practice began to take a more coercive form, with societal norms pressuring widows to conform to this tradition. The psychological impact on women cannot be overstated – the fear of social ostracization and the desire for societal approval became powerful motivators. Women faced immense pressure to adhere to a practice that was increasingly losing its voluntary essence.

In its early stages, Sati Pratha was presented as a voluntary act of devotion. Women were believed to willingly choose self-immolation as an expression of loyalty to their deceased husbands.

However, historical accounts reveal a gradual shift in the nature of Sati Pratha. Coercion became more prevalent, and societal expectations began to override individual choice. The voluntary aspect diminished as the act was increasingly imposed on widows.

Caste Dynamics
Sati Pratha often became intertwined with the caste system, with adherence to this practice seen as a marker of social status and honor. The pressure to conform was particularly intense in higher castes, further complicating the voluntary nature of the tradition.

Impact on Women
The psychological impact on women was severe. Fear of societal ostracization and the loss of social standing compelled many widows to participate against their will. The negative consequences extended beyond the individual to affect entire families, perpetuating a cycle of coercion.

François Bernier (1620–1688) gave the following description:

“At Lahor I saw a most beautiful young widow sacrificed, who could not, I think, have been more than twelve years of age. The poor little creature appeared more dead than alive when she approached the dreadful pit: the agony of her mind cannot be described; she trembled and wept bitterly; but three or four of the Brahmens, assisted by an old woman who held her under the arm, forced the unwilling victim toward the fatal spot, seated her on the wood, tied her hands and feet, lest she should run away, and in that situation the innocent creature was burnt alive”6.

Patriarchal Influence
Limited Agency for Women: The patriarchal nature of ancient Hindu societies limited women’s agency and autonomy. Widows often found themselves trapped between the expectation to conform to Sati Pratha and the desire for personal freedom. This power dynamic contributed significantly to the progression of the practice.

Resistance and Reform:
The 19th-century reformer Raja Ram Mohan Roy played a pivotal role in challenging Sati Pratha. He was an Indian social reformer and advocate of women’s rights who founded the Brahmo Samaj and played an important role in Indian society. His advocacy for women’s rights and humanitarian values led to the abolition of the practice through the Sati Regulation Act of 1829 in India. Lord William Bentinck was the man behind the end of the custom and the date was December 4, 1829.

The abolition of Sati Pratha marked a turning point in societal attitudes towards women. It paved the way for broader conversations about gender equality and the need to protect the rights and well-being of widows.

In Nepal as well Sati Prath was considered an evil in society and was regarded by many as inhumane and cruel. The attempt to end it was made as early as 1850 by Jang Bahadur Rana when he formulated the First Civil Code in Nepal immediately after his visit to the United Kingdom. Prime Minister Bir Shamsher Rana during 1885-1901 A.D. amended this law and made efforts to end this cruel social ritual during his time. Finally, Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher, on his 58th birthday, on 8th of July in 1920 A.D made mandatory enforcement of the legislation finally abolishing the longstanding horrible custom of sati.

The stage was also set after considerable pressure from the British India rulers who had taken initiative that finally ended Sati system in India in 1829. The then Governer-General of India Lord William Bentinck enacted the Bengal Sati Regulation Act, of 1829 which declared the practice of burning or burying alive of Hindu widows to be punishable by law. In Nepal, Chandra Shamsher’s declaration stated that anyone setting fire to a Sati would be punishable for an act of murder.

Still, however, this was not a complete full stop to the ritual and those who were adherent followers and strong believers in the religious aspect of Sati still followed it, especially in the rural areas and cases have been reported.

As recently as 21 August 2006, Janakrani, a 40-year-old woman, burned to death on the funeral pyre of her husband Prem Narayan in Sagar district. Janakrani had not been forced or prompted by anybody to commit the act 7.

Psychological Impact on Families:
Families were often torn apart by the pressure to conform to Sati Pratha. The loss of a wife and mother through self-immolation led to profound emotional trauma. The coercive nature of the practice exacerbated grief and left families grappling with the consequences of a tradition that prioritized societal norms over individual well-being. The end of Sati Pratha relieved families from the burden of this oppressive tradition. It allowed for a reevaluation of societal values and encouraged a more compassionate approach to grief and widowhood.

The Role of Social and Cultural Dynamics:
Several factors contributed to the perpetuation of Sati Pratha. The caste system played a crucial role, as adherence to such traditions was often linked to social status and acceptance. Additionally, the patriarchal nature of ancient Hindu societies further marginalized women, leaving them with limited agency over their lives. The intersection of caste and gender dynamics created a toxic environment that sustained the practice for centuries.

Resistance and Reform:
Despite the deeply ingrained nature of Sati Pratha, there were instances of resistance and questioning from within the society. Reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy in the 19th century played a pivotal role in challenging the practice. Roy’s efforts, rooted in both humanitarian and rationalist principles, led to the abolition of Sati Pratha in 1829 through the enactment of the Sati Regulation Act by the British East India Company.

Psychological Impacts on Widows:
The psychological toll on widows who were coerced or willingly participated in Sati Pratha is immeasurable. The internal conflict between societal expectations and personal well-being, coupled with grief, likely led to profound psychological distress. The elimination of this practice was undoubtedly a step toward recognizing and prioritizing the mental health of women in these situations.

Conclusion:
Sati Pratha, once deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of Hindu societies, stands today as a testament to the power dynamics and societal pressures that can perpetuate harmful practices. The evolution of this tradition, from a voluntary act to a coercive societal expectation, highlights the importance of critically examining cultural practices and their psychological implications. The abolition of Sati Pratha serves as a reminder that societal progress often involves challenging deeply rooted norms to foster a more inclusive and compassionate future.

In the opinion of the author, The act of “Sati” itself was not peculiar and seemingly horrendous in the Hindu culture, as it was prevalent since the ages in so many other societies, cultures and clans as well, but making it a compulsory tradition by the then “civil society” for the widows made it stand out and take in all the blames.

Reference:

1.  Pausanias; Frazer, James G. (2012). Pausanias’s Description of Greece. Vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 200. ISBN 978-1-108-04725-8.
2. On Natchez, and on Anatom in present day Vanuatu, Mackenzie, Donald A. (1923). Myths of Pre-Columbian America. Courier Dover Publications. pp. 158–159. ISBN 978-0-486-29379-0. Tahiti, Hawaii, Samoa Brantlinger, Patrick (2011). Taming Cannibals: Race and the Victorians. Cornell University Press. pp. 34–35. ISBN 978-0-8014-6264-1., Fiji Thornley, Andrew; Vualono, Tauga (2005). A Shaking of the Land: William Cross and the Origins of Christianity in Fiji. Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific. p. 166. ISBN 978-982-02-0374-7.
3. Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra; Altekar, Anant Sadashiv (1986). Vakataka – Gupta Age Circa 200–550 A.D. Motilal Banarsidass Publ. p. 190. ISBN 978-81-208-0026-7.
4. Fleet, John Faithful (1981). Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol.3 (inscriptions Of The Early Gupta Kings). p. 354.
5. Michaels, Axel (2004). Hinduism: Past and Present. Princeton University Press. pp. 149–153. ISBN 978-0-691-08953-9.
6. François Bernier’s Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656–1668.
7. BBC News, “India wife dies on husband’s pyre”, 22 August 2006.
8. “Woman jumps into husband’s funeral pyre”. The Times of India. Raipur. 13 October 2008. Archived from the original on 5 November 2012.